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Take a new journey with the times. 1 | Correct yourself and face the new global order

2022-07-11T22:13:55.747Z


“Before the post-70s, post-80s, post-90s, and post-00s, before they go out to see the world, China can already look at the world, and it’s not as dirty as we were back then.” During the National “Two Sessions” in March 2021, the country Chairman


“Before the post-70s, post-80s, post-90s, and post-00s, before they go out to see the world, China can already look at the world, and it’s not as dirty as we were back then.” During the National “Two Sessions” in March 2021, the country This is how President Xi Jinping described the changes of the new generation of Chinese in the "great changes unseen in a century" and the intersection of "two hundred years" of history.

In the past 100 years, the world has been dominated by Europe and the United States. However, the rise of political and economic forces led by China has brought new possibilities to the old order while posing challenges to the United States and the "Western world" dominated by it.

When China can "look at the world", how should Hong Kong adjust its internal and external perspective under "One Country, Two Systems"?

How will the Li Jiachao government, which has the responsibility to "tell the Hong Kong story" to the world, face the new global order?


Written by: Hao Ziyu


(Editor's note: On the 25th anniversary of Hong Kong's return to the motherland, "Hong Kong 01", which has always advocated "active one country, two systems", is hereby issued a commemorative special issue "A New Journey with the Times", which includes seven in-depth reports from the past, documenting the key to Hong Kong's social transformation. Thinking. This is one of them, integrated from the 261st issue of "Hong Kong 01" weekly.)


When China "looks at the world", how should Hong Kong adjust its internal and external perspective under "One Country, Two Systems"?

(Visual China)

1. Looking at the world in Hong Kong: Recognizing the new international pattern

On March 25, 2021, U.S. President Joe Biden said at his first official press conference after taking office that fierce competition between the U.S. and China is foreseeable, but if China wants to become the world’s No. 1 power, “I am here, never mind! At the "2+2 Talks" between China and the United States in Alaska the previous week, U.S. Secretary of State Blinken also emphasized: "A sign that the United States plays a leading role in the world and participates in world affairs is that our alliance and partnership are based entirely on voluntary cooperation." This is exactly what President Biden is committed to reinvigorating.” In response, Yang Jiechi, director of the Office of the Foreign Affairs Commission of the CPC Central Committee, solemnly pointed out: “We hope the U.S. side will consider this when talking about universal values ​​and international public opinion. Don't worry, because the United States does not represent the world, it only represents the government of the United States."

Behind the tongue, sword and lip gun, is the declaration of the two great powers to the world.

Although the two sides seem to be "incompatible" during the talks, they are far from and will not reach the situation of "death and death".

Zhang Bingliang, former Secretary for Transport and Housing of the HKSAR Government and Chair Professor of Public Administration Studies at the Education University of Hong Kong, pointed out that there will be no situation in which one side is completely defeated between China and the United States. The United States is undefeated and China is not defeated.” The situation, whether economic or military, will be a state of mutual balance.

He also said that he used to call the relationship between the two "US-China relations", because the confrontation in the past few years was mostly provoked by the United States - the United States has always been worried about the rise of China, in the so-called system, values ​​and other aspects. There are many conflicts, so it is not only the former President Trump and other anti-China "hawks", in fact, the US government and opposition have basically reached a consensus now that they should take a tougher attitude towards China.

What does this new world pattern mean for Hong Kong?

Whether between China and the United States, or in the international context, Hong Kong cannot be alone.

After Hong Kong's return in 1997, the United States treated Hong Kong differently from mainland China in terms of foreign and economic and trade policies. However, after Hong Kong experienced social unrest in 2019, the United States stated in May 2020 that Hong Kong "no longer enjoys a high degree of autonomy" and therefore does not Continue to enjoy the special treatment granted in the "U.S.-Hong Kong Policy Act".

After the promulgation of the "Hong Kong National Security Law", the then US President Trump ordered the cancellation of Hong Kong's special trade status and sanctions on officials from the mainland and Hong Kong who participated in the formulation of the "Hong Kong National Security Law".

By the beginning of 2021, Hong Kong, which ranked first in the "World's Freest Economies" for 25 consecutive years, and Macau, which ranked second in the previous year, and Macau, which ranked 35th, have been cancelled by the American think tank Heritage Foundation. Participate in the scoring with China in 107th place.

Zhang Bingliang said bluntly: "This is targeting Hong Kong in particular, and it also means a change in the overall situation. While Hong Kong is being targeted by the international environment, due to what happened in the past two years, the central government has also judged that Hong Kong has 'basically out of control', and believes that this is Due to behind-the-scenes intervention by the United States - Hong Kong has become a battlefield for the United States to target China and endanger China's national security, so a very large policy adjustment has been made to Hong Kong."

Hong Kong has never been an island, but a new pattern is emerging in the world, and Hong Kong has to make changes and re-clarify its position.

(Photo by Zhang Meihua)

The old world order is being challenged, and various countries and regions tend to be sidelined. How should Hong Kong view this changing world and is it capable of keeping itself independent of disputes?

Obviously, the political reality is that as a part of China, there is no reason why Hong Kong should not be on the side of the country.

"This is a brand new global geopolitics, and it is a brand new pattern for Hong Kong." Zhang Bingliang pointed out that on the one hand, the United States, which is in a confrontational relationship with China, wants to push Hong Kong to the West and to a more friendly relationship with the United States; On the one hand, Beijing will pull Hong Kong even tighter, gradually pulling Hong Kong onto a track that it feels comfortable with, and back on the track of China's future development.

The push and pull of the two sides are playing a role in Hong Kong at the same time.

Regarding Xi Jinping's point that "China can already look at the world", Zhang Bingliang analyzed: "Under what circumstances do you look down and look up? It's because the relationship between the two sides is unequal and unequal. If one party is a powerful authority, there will be no In terms of 'head-to-head', as in the British colonial period, Hong Kong people knew that they were not masters, so they could only look up to 'foreigners'. 'Head-up' is based on equality between the two parties, more like a friend than a subordinate relationship."

In Zhang Bingliang’s eyes, the metaphors from these perspectives are also applicable to the mainland and Hong Kong – the advantages of the mainland and Hong Kong are different, which should be a head-up relationship, but there are also some unnatural looking down and looking up. For example, in the past, the economic development of the mainland lagged behind that of Hong Kong. At the time, many Hong Kong people had the mentality of "looking down" on mainlanders.

After the handover, Hong Kong, as a special zone, often still needs the central government to make final adjustments, so some Hong Kong people may have the feeling of looking up to Beijing.

How should Hong Kong people view themselves, the mainland, the United States, and even the world?

Huang Yushun, a young political scientist, said from the bottom of his heart: "Many times, Hong Kong sees the world with itself as the core, which is an innate sense of superiority - this is not difficult to understand, when it has been cultivated, it will naturally think that it is wearing The protagonist of the halo. And when Hong Kong gradually loses this halo, it can no longer see the world from such a perspective... Still want China to revolve around you (Hong Kong), and the United States to revolve around you, with thousands of pets? I It just feels ridiculous, unrealistic, and self-deceiving. However, even though it is no longer the protagonist, you need to understand that Hong Kong can still play a big supporting role.”

The truth is expressed in one sentence, and a layer of paper that has been in front of Hong Kong people's eyes and is unwilling to face is torn apart.

The above-mentioned sense of superiority may have been there once, but now the mainland cities are gradually rising, and the uniqueness of Hong Kong is constantly being challenged.

At the same time, the liberal democratic system and values ​​of the Western world, which Hong Kong people yearn for, have repeatedly exposed their flaws.

Hong Kong, which used to have both sides, is now being attacked from the inside and outside. It is time to reflect on and re-clarify the position of Hong Kong itself, and start to face China and the Western world squarely.

Zhang Bingliang pointed out that the tough stance of China and the United States is to show to their respective peoples.

(file picture)

2. Hong Kong looks at the West: a fantasy

In March 2021, the Fourth Session of the 13th National People's Congress will review the "Decision of the National People's Congress on Improving the Election System of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region" to reform the Hong Kong electoral system and implement "patriots ruling Hong Kong".

Whether it is the heavy pressure of the "Hong Kong National Security Law" or the major reform of the electoral system, it is based on two levels: First, the central government is worried that Hong Kong will become a political bargaining chip for the United States to fight against China. In recent years, the Hong Kong opposition has repeatedly Inviting foreign countries, especially the United States, to sanction Hong Kong; second, the failure of Hong Kong's people to return is the central government's long-standing "heart disease".

As a "post-50s generation", Zhang Bingliang's generation has experienced the British colonial period, participated in the student movement, and accepted the influence of Western culture.

He pointed out that Hong Kong has existed as a British colony for more than 100 years, and the United Kingdom is an important member of the Western world. Under British rule, Hong Kong people will inevitably be friendly with the West, which is reflected in the development of trade, culture and education. Severely leaning towards European and American countries.

It is also under the influence of the United Kingdom that Hong Kong people are naturally "pro-Western" psychologically. Whether it is tourism, education, information sources, or attention to fashion, they are basically driven by the West.

When looking at Hong Kong internationally, it is naturally the "Hong Kong of the Western world".

At the same time, in the 1960s and 1970s, the mainland experienced a series of unhappy events such as the Cultural Revolution, and its economy was seriously lagging behind that of Hong Kong. Therefore, Hong Kong tried to avoid "getting too close" with the mainland.

Zhang Bingliang said that Hong Kong people have never had any experience in positioning themselves, and neither political parties nor ordinary citizens are aware of how Hong Kong should position itself in the more complex global politics.

Before the handover, the United Kingdom represented Hong Kong; after the handover, it is difficult for Hong Kong, which is no longer under British rule, to continue to use the concept of "Hong Kong is part of the Western world".

However, from the perspective of the central government, Hong Kong can only be "Hong Kong, China", not "Hong Kong of the West" - of course, Hong Kong can still maintain good relations with the West, but there are many changes in the positioning of "Hong Kong, China". It is unacceptable to many Hong Kong people.

The "Western-driven" trend is not just happening in Hong Kong. Global trends are also being led by the West.

Zhang Bingliang explained: "For a long time in the past, the whole world has been run according to the international order defined and dominated by the West, such as the global financial system. Even though China is so powerful today, it still does not have the ability to dominate, because these orders It was gradually formed in the past one or two hundred years. You see, even the 'modernization' and 'globalization' that everyone talks about are all defined by the West."

He analyzed that even though the Asian region has gained a certain influence under the trend of globalization in recent years and has increased its voice, it still has a "pro-Western" performance at the diplomatic and geopolitical level.

The US has the strongest economic and military strength among Western countries, and has even established many international orders, so some Asian countries will be more directly "pro-US".

From this point of view, "pro-Western" or "pro-American" is not simply "worshiping foreign countries", but a close relationship of interests.

Many Hong Kong people grew up under the influence of Western culture, and naturally they will be close to the Western world, which is dominated by the United States.

(file picture)

For the pan-democrats who actively promote electoral democracy in Hong Kong, the values ​​of freedom and democracy pursued by Europe and the United States are very close to their own ideas, but some people oppose capitalism, which is represented by the United States, in ideology and ideological theory.

In 1967, leftists in Hong Kong launched the "June 7 Riot".

Zhang Bingliang recalled: "Because we sympathized with socialism and had reservations about capitalism. At that time, we called the largest capitalist country, the United States, 'American imperialism', imperialism! ... We grew up in this generation and became that era. Activists in the United States have criticized the United States - but this is not simply 'anti-American', but not blindly and dialectically looking at the United States."

When Hong Kong faced the handover in 1997, there were "returners of democracy". They supported Hong Kong's return to the People's Republic of China, but at the same time, a comprehensive democratic political system should be implemented.

Meeting Point is the first political group to advocate the return of democracy, arguing that "1997 is not the end of Hong Kong".

As the former chairman of Huidian, Zhang Bingliang said: "At that time, we believed that '97' should not be regarded as a 'big limit' for Hong Kong, but an opportunity and a new opportunity. After it is no longer a British colony, Hong Kong should become It is a very open and active place. However, there are very few people who think this way, and the anti-Communist complex almost became the 'DNA' of Hong Kong people at that time - Beijing is also very aware of it, so it made the special arrangement of 'one country, two systems'."

The worship of the West has always existed in Asia, and the mainland is no exception. "The moon in foreign countries is rounder than China" is often used to satirize the phenomenon of the mainland's excessive worship of foreigners and foreigners.

Huang Yushun said that in Hong Kong, the pursuit of Western-dominated culture and values ​​is not only at the level of "foreign moons are more round", but can even be said to the extent that "foreign moons are the only moon".

He pointed out: "I'm worried about the current situation. Some Hong Kong people's hatred of the country often comes from a very subjective distrust. Because of what happened in the past, they have an irrational fear of the country. Why do so many people support Trump? Why do so many people believe that he can sanction China? Now the people's heart is even a little "hysterical"..."

Huang Yushun worries that some Hong Kong people have an irrational fear of the country.

(Photo by O Jiale)

In the patriotic frenzy in the mainland, "little pinks" are regarded as a brainless group, which not only sparked heated discussions and reflections in mainland public opinion, but also repeatedly became the object of irony by Hong Kong people.

It is worth noting that when the United States, which advocates democracy and freedom, is frequently hijacked by populists, few Hong Kong people criticize it.

After Trump's defeat in the general election, his supporters stormed Capitol Hill with arms in an attempt to prevent members of Congress from certifying the results of the US election, killing five people.

Can't Hong Kong people see the horror of populism?

Or pretend not to see?

Huang Yushun pointed out that this is not a question of "whether you can see it", but whether people see it as important: "Our generation of young people often have a right-wing attitude and position, and they are very conservative at the social and economic levels. Populist applause. You can see that in many online discussion forums, there are all voices applauding Trump - beat the elites!" This is so because people's hatred of Hong Kong's local political and economic elites is projected on On America.

That is, populism in their eyes is a confrontation with elitism.

Talking about Hong Kong people's obsession with universal suffrage, Huang Yushun pointed out that universal suffrage is a "safety key" for Hong Kong people, but if the central government does not trust Hong Kong at all, how can there be universal suffrage?

Moreover, the reality is that Hong Kong's "bargaining power" is now zero.

Such an almost stubborn pursuit, however, cannot be blamed solely on politicians, pan-democrats and the media.

"Many Hong Kong people are willing to believe that universal suffrage is a 'panacea'. Because once they stop believing, this argument will be replaced by even more terrible thinking - apart from universal suffrage, Hong Kong people can't see any other bright future - from Disappointment to despair, from despair to anger, from anger to destructive thinking." Huang Yushun expressed concern about this.

Huang Yushun, who has overseas study experience, once wrote: "It is arrogance and unfortunate to ignore the good of other countries because you love your own country. Because of dissatisfaction with your own country, turning a blind eye to the inferior behavior of other countries is a kind of ignorance. It is also a kind of incompetence.” He said that he experienced a lot of discrimination abroad, and these racial discrimination will not be reduced because of “I am from Hong Kong” (I am from Hong Kong).

"No matter how hard you try to change yourself to fit in with them, you are not immune to injustice. This is the tragedy of racism. Even though I have practiced standard English pronunciation, I am still discriminated against because of my Asian face. ." He said helplessly.

Young Hong Kongers regard universal suffrage as a "panacea", but is that really the case?

(Bobby Yip/Reuters)

3. Hong Kong looks at the country: how to move from resistance to acceptance

If Hong Kong people have wishful thinking about the West, then it is an unthinking resistance to the mainland.

When the economic and cultural level of the mainland is far behind that of Hong Kong, the attitude of Hong Kong people towards the mainland is mostly "look down".

However, with the increasingly intensified conflict between the two places, Hong Kong people are no longer just "looking down" on the mainland, but, as Huang Yushun said, many Hong Kong people have "irrational fear" of the country.

This can be seen from the "fear of China" in the new crown epidemic. Any measures, instruments or personnel related to China have caused "blood and blood" in the society.

Where did the Hong Kong people's resistance and fear of the mainland come from?

In recent years, young people in Hong Kong and the mainland seem to be increasingly at odds with each other.

In Hong Kong, fanatical patriots from the mainland are ridiculed as mindless "five cents" and "little pinks"; in the mainland, Hong Kong youths who reject the mainland under the banner of "freedom and democracy" are criticized as "waste youth" and "traitors" thief".

Huang Yushun divided these young people who could not tolerate each other's voice into three groups for comparison.

The first group is the "returnees" from the two places.

Huang Yushun found that those who questioned "what's good about democracy" and expressed the strongest and clearest views were often the mainland "returnees" who had received higher education abroad and had a successful career.

He did not attribute these people to being "brainwashed," but believed that they had gone through a process from the country's lack of self-confidence to self-confidence, and their overseas experiences had also turned their "patriotism" into instinct, making them feel that their own experiences were intertwined with the country's historical development.

Such a sense of belonging and identity is something that the returnees from Hong Kong do not have. What they have is an illusory pursuit of the West, or an almost crazy pursuit of liberalism.

The second group is those who have received higher education locally.

Huang Yushun believes that young people receiving higher education in the mainland may have romantic aspirations for Western values, but most will take a wait-and-see attitude.

Locally educated Hong Kong people are often pushed to the opposite side under the provocation of inflammatory remarks or inflammatory politicians. They distrust the central government very much. On this basis, anti-Chinese sentiment is derived, that is, people who have not returned to the heart of the people. "Sequelae".

Huang Yushun listed young people who have not received higher education as the third group: "Originally, these young people in Hong Kong have gradually felt that life in the mainland is not bad. During the holidays, they will go to Shenzhen to drink tea and have a side fire, and the variety show they watch may be " "The Voice of China". The cultures of the two places have gradually merged, but due to the anti-amendment movement in 2019, many people have become farther and farther away from the mainland. On the contrary, in the eyes of young people in the mainland without higher education, it is The country gave them everything."

According to this analysis, the young people who are the main force in the social development of the two places, regardless of their education and experience, are "blind" to the country and the West for different reasons, and do not want to listen to the voices of the other side.

In this regard, Christine Lok, founder and former chairman of the Civil Rights Party (now disbanded), who was the deputy director of the Hong Kong Environment Bureau, believes that we should put aside our stubborn pre-judgments and discuss our views after understanding.

"When I was a government official, I met many mainland officials. It was often said that China was reluctant to admit its own problems, but instead these officials talked about China's problems the most. They often shared these problems and solutions, so I do not I don't think the Chinese would deny the problem (existence), they just have their own way to solve it."

During the initial outbreak of the epidemic in 2020, some district councillors demonstrated against the state sending personnel to support Hong Kong for large-scale testing.

(Photo by O Jiale)

Young people in Hong Kong and the mainland have serious differences in their judgment of China and the United States, and such differences and varying degrees of blindness are the source of resistance and fear.

When "We don't want the mainland thing" becomes a discourse sign of resistance, one must rationally analyze and question oneself "why".

Huang Yushun believes that the values ​​of both China and the United States are just values, and there is no right or wrong in essence. Some boundaries or moral norms that human beings should abide by exist outside of multiculturalism.

Whether the country is governed by a monarch, meritocracy, authoritarianism, or utilitarianism, it is only a form of governance.

It is not the question of which kind of governance you are in. The key is whether you have the ability to think, reflect, and view different values ​​dialectically.

That is to say, what separates the two sets of logic and values ​​is not themselves, but people.

In Sino-US relations, despite the differences in systems and ideologies, the expected results are the same in different ways—so that the people will not suffer from war and develop together under the principle of mutual benefit. Therefore, despite the deadlock, the two sides will continue to seek opportunities for cooperation.

That being the case, why should Hong Kong stay complacent, label itself and trap itself in it?

As an early democrat, Christine Lu bluntly said that she ate Western democracy and freedom when she was growing up, and believes that this is the most ideal.

However, she never looked at the world in terms of "absolute" right and wrong, good and evil: "In politics, there are very few absolute things. Hong Kong people don't have to make a final judgment right away about which is good and which is bad, because that doesn't help us. She analyzed that absolute judgment has no meaning or benefit in Hong Kong. "Like other places, the improvement of Hong Kong's system requires continuous trials and revisions. In this process, there will definitely be opinions from Beijing."

Many Hong Kong people are terrified of Beijing's opinions and voices - from the turbulence in the legislative process of Article 23 of the Basic Law to the implementation of the National Security Law in Hong Kong, they all shudder.

Christy Lau said that this is because Hong Kong people are never used to thinking about what is "subversion of state power" and what is "secession of the country" - in their eyes, this is freedom of speech.

However, it needs to be acknowledged that there is an insurmountable red line in the scope of freedom of speech. "We are part of China, so these crimes are not and should not be as simple as 'freedom of speech'."

Christine Lu said that when there is resistance or fear, ask yourself "why".

(Photo by Liang Pengwei)

4. Hong Kong looks at itself: put aside self-deception, consolidate value

"Twenty years ago, people would call Hong Kong a 'treasure of the world', 10 years ago, it might have been described as a 'treasure of China', and now it is a 'the hub of the Greater Bay Area'. If Hong Kong does not take advantage of its own advantages If you work hard to innovate and reform, it will become a real "grinding heart between China and the United States"." Huang Yushun summed up the changes in Hong Kong's role with four titles.

As a part of China, Hong Kong's economic and social system is not restricted by the mainland. "One country, two systems" gives Hong Kong various possibilities to be left blank.

However, as Christine Lu said, letting go of paranoia is difficult.

"In 1997, when Hong Kong became a part of China, was it a bad thing? China's development is changing with each passing day, and a small place like Hong Kong got a country like this, which we didn't have before," said Christine Lu.

She does not think that Hong Kong's international development space is "shrinking", because Hong Kong still has a lot of power, which is incomparable to Beijing and Shanghai. "Hong Kong is Chinese and international, and this is established at the same time. It cannot be regarded as the United Kingdom. As a colony in China, it feels international, and being the most open city in China is not enough.”

Zhang Bingliang also mentioned the advantages of Hong Kong - the power that mainland cities cannot match, such as the enjoyment of certain foreign affairs rights.

Chapter VII of the Basic Law stipulates that the State Council of the People's Republic of China authorizes the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region to independently cooperate with other countries and various countries in the world in the fields of economy, trade, finance, shipping, communications, tourism, culture, sports and other fields under the name of "Hong Kong, China". Regions and relevant international organizations maintain and develop relations, and sign and implement relevant agreements.

"For example, when I was the director of transportation and housing, I needed to negotiate with foreign countries about the right of navigation - this was authorized by the central government and the Basic Law after the handover to Hong Kong." Zhang Bingliang said, "As China becomes more open and connected with the world, Hong Kong was supposed to play an important role as a global hub - and it remains the same today."

However, he also acknowledged that China's diplomatic relations have a direct impact on Hong Kong. For example, Sino-US relations have deteriorated. Some countries have asked to stop some cooperation agreements with Hong Kong. In accordance with the practice of "bilateral relations", China should also declare that Hong Kong and these State relations are invalid.

In other words, in some conflicting situations, the central government can make decisions on behalf of Hong Kong, because Hong Kong's foreign affairs powers are delegated by the central government.

"According to my observation, some Western countries' restrictions on Hong Kong, including the suspension of bilateral agreements, are basically terminated by the other side before China responds. Even so, Hong Kong will be very passive among them. On the contrary, if the relationship between the two countries is good, Hong Kong will have more space and be more active externally.”

Hong Kong should grasp its own institutional advantages and find its own special position in national development.

(Provided by HKTB)

"Hong Kong can no longer imagine that it is a detached role outside China and the West, and this role will be thankless in the 'Cold War' situation. Therefore, at this time, Hong Kong should play the role of a 'connector' to the outside world, not a 'middleman'." Huang Yushun pointed out, "Since the country's foreign policy has changed from keeping a low profile to a tougher model, the role of the middleman is no longer needed, so Hong Kong needs to find a new position."

In 2000, Hong Kong's GDP accounted for about 14% of the country's GDP, and by 2020 it has fallen to about 2.6%.

Huang Yushun said: "Under this political and economic reality, Hong Kong's influence on the country is not as strong as before. But as a member of the country, I think Hong Kong can do three things to help the country and itself rise steadily."

First of all, Hong Kong can act as a "coordinator". Some Hong Kong people who are well versed in foreign cultures and customs have certain ties with overseas countries and can play an important role in the dialogue between Hong Kong and overseas. "Soft Power" section.

At the same time, Hong Kong also needs to reflect on its role as a bridge in the field of cultural education.

"For example, between China and the United States, the bridge between the two is constantly being divided due to generational change or racial discrimination. Hong Kong can completely reshape this role and strengthen some connections that are not politically sensitive. This is very important."

The most important thing is to hold on to the "old capital" - finance.

Huang Yushun pointed out that Hong Kong should take advantage of its own system and play the role of cross-regional financing and legal adjudication, and at the same time help China resolve some regional financial integration problems that span Southeast Asia and even Asia and Europe.

He emphasized that Hong Kong people can dislike, reject, or pretend not to see the political reality, but this is meaningless: "Hong Kong currently has two options, one is to find itself in the country's development, as mentioned above. The second is to continue to oppose the country and finally destroy the Great Wall.”

Compared with the practical direction proposed by Huang Yushun, Christine Lu pays more attention to the "underlying logic" of Hong Kong people.

She said that Hong Kong needs to prove to the country and the world that it is still a place with strength and potential, and this requires politicians in Hong Kong to have three sets of arguments: "One is to speak to Hong Kong citizens in Cantonese; the other is to speak in Putonghua. The third is to use English to communicate with the international community." Among them, "speaking Cantonese" means that from the government to the party, we should help Hong Kong people to understand the political reality, make practical plans for Hong Kong, and find a suitable future for Hong Kong's development. positioning.

"Speaking Putonghua" requires exchanges with the mainland and seeks cooperation between the two places under the "one country, two systems" principle.

Facing the world is to prove and express to the world that Hong Kong has an irreplaceable position and value in the world.

Take a new journey with the times.

1 | Correct yourself and face the new global order

Source: hk1

All news articles on 2022-07-11

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