Last Saturday, at the end of brunch with good friends, we got to the issues of legal reform and demonstrations. Like many of our social circles, here too our friends prepared the flag for the evening demonstration. At the end of the visit, of course, the debate over the reasonableness at hand broke out, but it actually ended in agreement. Agreement that the power of the High Court of Justice must indeed be restrained in matters of policymaking, but it must be done fairly and without destroying the state.
It turned out that reform was just the battle slogan. They go out to demonstrate not because of grounds and judges, but because of Distel, Gottlieb, Amsalem, not to mention Bibi, Deri and Smotrich. They take to the streets because of their revulsion and horror at what they see as projected by the current coalition: corruption, sub-level, religious fanaticism and a threat to the fabric of their lives. As in most of the conversations I have with protest supporters, the flicker comes out fast – it's not the legal reform, stupid. Not legal grounds or judicial selection committees. These are completely different motives, some of them incitement and some of which are perfectly justified.
Even in exchanges I have in the television studios, before and after the broadcast, some of those who argue against me in a frothy manner admit that it is not the grounds of reasonableness and the authority of the judges that drives them mad. And after we agree that corruption and arbitrariness must not be allowed, it is clear that if it were up to us, we would reach common formulas regarding the necessary reform. Not so when Netanyahu & Co. leads us.
Uriel Bosso (Shas) accuses Merav Cohen of bringing in the activists and excludes her from the plenum // Archive photo: Yehuda Schlesinger
In contrast to the litany of lies that the protest leaders are spreading to their masses about the connection between the grounds of reasonableness and the end of democracy, there is a strong kernel of truth in the concerns about the conduct of Netanyahu's coalition. Especially the fear of the extraneous, corrupt and improper motives of some of the members. First of all, the fear of Netanyahu himself, who proves every day anew what really motivates him, is justified. Just this week, he sold the promotion of settlement in the West Bank for a phone call with President Biden, and last week he crowned the Palestinian Authority terror organization in Jenin, hoping to finally receive an invitation to the White House. Strong right indeed.
Beyond Bibi, the current coalition's modus operandi has already been reflected in a series of legislative acts and government decisions. For example, the Law on the Arrangement of Work for an Associate of the Shas Head, which was intended to govern the city of Tiberias. Not to mention postponing the election of chief rabbis by law, so that Deri could guarantee a lucrative and prestigious job for his brother and good friend.
This state corruption, enshrined in legislation, is compounded by the conduct of certain Likud members. Like Minister Dudi Amsalem, who was deliberately entrusted by the prime minister with the fat pit of the appointments of government companies. Like Transportation Minister Miri Regev, who makes acrobatic detours in order to appoint cronies without competence, propriety and logic. Like the recent impeachment at the Post Office, designed to arrange jobs for cronies.
This is a sense of looting of the state coffers and state functions, not to mention the haredi budget looting, which has no limit and no satiety. This corruption may have begun in the days of Rabin, Shulamit Aloni and Peres, but it has now reached monstrous proportions, with ultra-Orthodox power threatening the way of life of the rest of the Israeli public. True, the protest leaders incite, inflate and slander in this matter as well, but at the end of the tunnel of lies lies a kernel of truth. See Shas intends to expand the powers of the rabbinical courts in matters of alimony and children, while neutering the family courts.
Even when the coalition strives for justified goals, such as strengthening the connection to heritage and nationality, it acts in a distorted and crooked manner. Huge sums of money are devoted in the budget to endless Jewish reinforcements, for example in Minister Frosh's office. But everything is channeled to the needs of privileges for the ultra-Orthodox and endless jobs for rabbis. And, of course, strengthening the Haredi-Haredi line, instead of connecting to the Jewish pole of the state, pleasantly and closely.
Netanyahu with Itzik Zarka. The man for dirty tasks,
At the same time, the language and gutter mentality of certain elements of the coalition are outrageous. This week, central Likud activist Itzik Zarka joined Nazi terminology. He has received plenty of condemnation from senior Likud figures, but don't be confused: Zarqa, who is a walking bib, is a central element in Bibi's special commando. And precisely because he is like this, he was nurtured and sacrificed by the head of the Likud, so that he would do dirty work in his service. The Zarqa phenomenon may be extreme, but it is not unique; it is also found among other prominent members of the coalition, especially in the Likud. People who are in our public life only because of their inhibitions in the service of the leader.
Therefore, anyone who is clean handed, on both sides of the current conflict, should put their finger on the real disagreements, not deliberately invented by manipulative leaders. Among the protesters, it is worthwhile to open their minds and understand that decent legal reform is necessary for Israeli democracy. At the same time, in the coalition and its supporters, it is important to listen to the justified cry of those who fight against corruption and arbitrariness.
Destructive precedent
When I was in an officers' course, there was expulsion and naval demolition. When I served in the reserves as a lieutenant colonel in a paratroopers brigade, the Oslo Accords raged. I admit, around the uprooting of the sea, I asked myself what I would do if I received an order to take part in the expulsion, and I decided, between myself and myself, that I would do everything to evade: I would ask to guard the encampment, wash dishes in the kitchen, and only if they deliberately obliged me, intercessively, I would announce that conscientiously I could not, and I would pay the price. During my active reserve service, during the Oslo protests, I knew that the Rabin government was destroying the country, stupidly, in an anti-democratic manner, and yet I never thought of declaring that I refused to report for reserve duty.
The good people who are incited to put a gun to the public's temple deny the general legitimacy of the coalition and democratic choice, and therefore crush us all. They are like someone who threatens to blow up a hand grenade in the common room, in order to force them to accept their opinion. This is not nonviolent civil disobedience, it is not legitimate refusal of orders, it is blackmail by threats, in an anti-democratic manner that endangers us all. In any case, this would be a focused struggle against the inequality inherent in the evasion of ultra-Orthodox society, but at stake is now a legitimate debate over an abstract legal issue whose significance most of the threateners do not really understand.
Indeed, in the rules of the game of democracy it is permissible to violate a concrete order for conscientious reasons and pay the price, to be prosecuted and punished. But anyone who threatens to undermine the operational capability of our air force, intelligence or commando is pulling the rug out from under the entire game. Since the intention of the refusal move is clear, its thinkers believe that the coalition will blink first and give in to the demands of the protest leaders. But precisely because the role of pilots and their ilk is so important to all of us, we must not surrender to threats and refuseniks. Surrender will open the door to the crushing of society, serving as a destructive precedent for the bitter debates that await us in the future. There is certainly room to influence legislation and prevent corruption, but this is not the way.
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