War changes, and should change, concepts of thought, and one of the main ones is the concept of independence.
We must clarify it anew to ourselves, according to what the war reveals and will reveal in our relations with the nations of the world – friends, enemies and those who are neither one nor the other.
We need to understand how ideologically self-sufficient we are. And it is our duty to redefine where we derive from the moral standards that guide us as a grouping of people, that is, to what extent they originate in us and in the moral debate we conduct among ourselves, and to what extent they originate outside of us.
The concept of "independence" by its nature is not a binary concept. In other words, neither a particular individual nor a particular human grouping are independent or independent. They are independent to one degree or another, ranging from a minimal degree to an increasingly high degree of independence. No country, not even a superpower, is completely independent. The limitations of Israel's independence are the result of its relative small size (although it has grown considerably demographically and economically) and its relative isolation in a hostile region. Kutna and its isolation initially made it difficult to forge alliances with other countries. These days, they are incurring dependence on allies, as the country has been able to forge alliances. Thus, our interactions with the United States, and by extension with its democratic allies, define our sphere of independence and its borders. When the U.S. sent a rather formidable fleet here at the beginning of the conflict, it provided us with important support, but also demonstrated the limits of our independence against it.
This is reflected in the tactical level of conducting the campaign in the Gaza Strip. The Americans have a great, but not absolute, influence on our policy toward the Gaza Strip, for example by bringing in fuel trucks. This is certainly also reflected in the government's considerations of whether and when to launch a campaign against the Iranian-Lebanese Corps, which threatens the communities of the Upper Galilee with an invasion, and the entire country with its rocket arsenal.
The clear role of government is to correctly assess at all times and circumstances, without exaggeration or understatement, the degree of independence available to us in order to protect our vital interests. It's a heavy task that there is no miracle formula to deal with. But it can be said that our military-security establishment tends for various reasons to exaggerate our dependence, perhaps out of a misunderstanding that it is possible and essential to reduce dependence and expand our strategic independence, even if we are never completely independent.
A similar logic applies to the fields of ideology and ethics. In the State of Israel, an almost slavish concept has prevailed that uncritically adopts the "progressive" ideologies that rule the elites of democratic Western countries and sees them as a beacon to which we must direct ourselves. But the truth is that these countries are in a deep crisis, and we should not draw ideological inspiration from them. The attack on the nationalism and culture and religion of the peoples of North America and Europe causes deep degeneration and a suicidal state of mind, and we must not surrender ourselves to it.
The clear role of government is to correctly assess at all times and circumstances, without exaggeration or understatement, the degree of independence available to us in order to protect our vital interests. It's a heavy task and there's no miracle formula to deal with
That doesn't mean we should shut ourselves off from them. Perhaps on the contrary, we must present them with another ideological model, Zionist-democratic, which rejects the blurring of identities that causes them severe social and moral decline. Western countries are certainly not the beacon that will guide us in the laws of war and morality. We must distinguish between the need to explain our way of war to the world and our self-judgment of our path.
We "legislate" for ourselves the morality of war, how to treat non-combatants, how much mercy is permissible for cruelty, and what is the moral validity and scope of a task such as uprooting Hamas evil. And if we act according to our values and stick to the spirit of Judaism, it is guaranteed that it will also make it easier for us to explain ourselves to friends in the world.
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