The re-discussion of the fate of the two small parties of the former left-wing Zionism (?), Labor and Meretz, has become an oppressive routine along the endless continuum of elections and in the run-up to the next fifty elections for the worse.
Now Meretz is fluttering below the blocking percentage in polls.
Its voters, who are dwindling in any case, are angry at their appointed (ie, non-elected) representative, Rinawi-Zoabi, for her participation in overthrowing the government.
Therefore, pressure is once again developing on the Labor Party to unite with Meretz into one list.
The Labor Party is asked to join former Zionist representatives such as Yair Golan, an ally of Islamists from the Negev and with innovative historiographical views, and like Gabi Lasky, who supports the transfer of benefits to the families of terrorists.
And why not, actually?
What is the divide between today's Labor Party and Meretz in its current post-Zionist configuration?
What is Zionist in the Labor Party led by Michaeli?
Or rather: what does it object to the post-Zionist trends that Meretz represents?
Does it support settlement in the Golan Heights or the Jordan Valley?
It also does not support Jewish settlement in the Galilee and the Negev.
One of the Knesset members on her behalf even objected to the Jewish settlement in Zichron Yaacov.
At most, the Labor Party tried, loosely, to act against the abolition of tariffs on agricultural imports and the enrichment of importers at the expense of farmers, when some old reflex of settlement Zionism combined with an electoral interest emerged.
Is the cultivation of immigration of those entitled to return from Ukraine and Russia somewhere on the agenda of this party?
On the contrary: if anything, its people are in the same hole with Meretz in the struggle for the emigration of non-Jews to Israel.
In the two litmus papers for identifying a Zionist position today - an increase compared to the immigration and settlement of Jews in Israel - the Labor Party is only slightly less post-Zionist, perhaps, than Meretz.
And it is not surprising that social democracy is also difficult to find in this party.
When abandoning values, abandon along the entire line.
The party gave a hand to one of the most right-wing socio-economic governments, and Michaeli pursued anti-social policies in regulating public transport tariffs, for example.
Certainly there is nothing to talk about protecting democracy from the elitism of senior officials of all kinds.
This is a long process of loss of social and national identity, which began during the years of Rabin and Peres' leadership, if not earlier.
Eventually this party reached the current slump led by Michaeli.
It was a broad-class party, and later a comprehensive people's party, which led to national and social liberation and a process of nation-building.
Today it is a progressive depleted organ, anemic in its political consciousness and has a small "constituency" among Israelis.
Michaeli, in her defined language of eloquence, expresses well the depth of confusion.
She is the worthy leader of the Labor Party on her way to Ivri Pi Faht.
So why not come to terms with the dissolution of this party (unlike its members, which will last a long time), now or in the next election?
After all, the days of any organization are limited.
The trouble is that the organization known as the Labor Party occupies a very important square, the square of left-wing Zionism.
Our public life requires an unreservedly Zionist-rooted Israeli Social Democratic Party in its action plans.
It commits itself to the need to continue a healthy process of nation-building: to base it on an egalitarian socio-economic foundation, to lead Israel to victory in the struggle for the land and to cultivate an original Hebrew culture rather than an inferior version of morally invalid globalism.
This is a historical tragedy.
The Zionist movement cannot succeed in Israel today without constructive competition between its three main arms: the left, the right and the religious.
All three are suffering from a crisis, and especially the left one.
We must, and therefore can, revive them.
And necessity will be the father of invention.
But for left-wing Zionism to serve Israel again, it is essential to evacuate the carcass of the Labor Party from the arena.
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Fixed!
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