What do opinion leaders on the ultra-Orthodox street think about fundamental issues such as the draft law?
What do they think about the budget additions demanded this week by the ultra-Orthodox parties? What is the Haredi position regarding kosher electricity and the Deri Law and the Chametz Law?
The answer is that you never know. These discussions will have to wait patiently, because now we are dealing with Galit Gutman. And yesterday - at the deputy mayor of Ramat Gan. And the other day? Angel. And tomorrow? I hope there won't be another issue of this kind, but you know and I know there will be. Well, of course there will be. And what will happen is that once again there will be crowding of lines – justified but unnecessary – and again opportunities will be missed and the trajectory of natural processes that are supposed to take place will be distorted. When the cannons thunder, the muses are silent, and when the megaphones shriek, logic rests.
There is a vibrant, critical, fruitful, interesting discourse on internal issues on the ultra-Orthodox street. There is a fascinating growth of marginalized groups that have long since penetrated the core and are making profound changes in perceptions and structure. There is a well-developed, smart and impressively capable press that knows how to move things - and all this is mobilized in these crazy days only to one front: the defensive front against the all-out attack.
It's almost funny: Haredi or religious writers and thinkers, including the man whose cover appears above, who in normal times would tear apart the ultra-Orthodox political representatives for their handling of budget issues, are busy these days defending and expressing pain and trying to stop the attack. That's how it is - when there's a war, lines are crowded.
This is true of the ultra-Orthodox, and it is true of almost every group in society, especially the large groups on the right.
All control, improvement and repair systems are silenced, because everyone is at the forefront. Natural processes are halted and not continued as a result of this situation, and inevitably this very fact of halting the processes contributes to the escalation of the conflict.
A vicious and harmful circle.
Consider one of the most troubling questions in recent years: How come there are no succession struggles in the Likud? Where have the natural political processes that take place in every political organization gone? (I am aware of the fact that the Kaplan protester has a good answer to this question, one that includes the words "emperor," "dictatorship," "fear," and more – I intend to ask those who do not hold this position.) The answer is directly related to the density of the lines. A camp that is constantly busy fighting back perpetuates and reinforces an existing situation. Those who consistently and viciously attacked Netanyahu are responsible for the power of his rule. It is absolutely clear that had the opposition camp let go of Netanyahu for a moment in 2020-2015, things would have happened in the Likud. But that didn't happen. The opposite happened.
And by the way, this is another sign that the matter was never Netanyahu, it was only a means.
Either way, this is a very broken situation, and the question is whether it is justified. If this mobilization of moderate forces on both sides is indeed to be understood and forgiven, to which they find themselves mobilized against their will, or whether it is necessary to demand that every moderate force not be dragged by an agenda outlined by others and adhere to truths that are detached from the "situation?"
And the conflict? Like the coronavirus, it will get tired and disappear.
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