In the 88th and 89th days of the war, I published two articles on Facebook – "posts," in common parlance – calling on Benjamin Netanyahu to appoint Professor Aharon Barak as the official representative to the International Criminal Court in The Hague.
His job is to try to fend off South Africa's evil demand, which portrays Israel as a state committing genocide in the Gaza Strip. It never occurred to me that Netanyahu would even consider such an idea. After all, the entire dictatorial coup initiated by his government under the guidance of Yariv Levin is based on a deep animosity towards the school of thought that Barak instilled in the judicial system.
At the beginning of the week, I was happy to be alone. On the recommendation of legal adviser Gali Bahar-Miara – also hated by Bibi – the prime minister decided to impose the heavy burden on him, and Barak agreed to enter the lion's den.
You don't need full disclosure to know that in my estimation, Barak is the greatest of the generation in Israeli and international law, and someone whose country is very dear to him and has received services from him that are exemplary to the world. Barak applied the definition that Israel is Jewish and democratic. But his Jewish and democratic – a "light unto the nations" as envisioned by David Ben-Gurion – was egalitarian towards the foreigner and liberal, with a tendency to grant real rights to women and LGBT people and a firm hand towards white-collar criminals.
About 20 years ago, when the left and right attacked the separation fence that stretched along Judea and Samaria to defend against Palestinian terrorism, the issue was proposed for decisions at the UN and the ICC. He was also sentenced in the High Court of Justice in Jerusalem. Barak wrote with pencil or pen a warning verdict that not only left most of the fence intact, but also caused Israel's enemies to withdraw their lawsuit. He taught at Yale University, and his bells rang at the ends of the globe.
While serving as Supreme President, he told me at a social gathering that after his retirement, there would be a blatant erosion of the Jewish-democratic school of thought he had instilled in Israel. I thought he was exaggerating. Wrong. But no one could have imagined that the hostility would pile up to extreme proportions as expressed in the regime coup led by Levin, which was overwhelmingly supported by many in the coalition – from Amir Ohana to Bezalel Smotrich. On the other hand, it gave rise to the protest movement, which initially did not demand Netanyahu's resignation but when he began to back the demanding Levin by refusing to soften his legislation even when Yoav Galant requested it for the sake of national security.
To what extent did Levin's anti-democratic coup, and the democratic protests, spur the war between Gaza and the north? Generations of historians will make a living trying to produce a valid answer to the issue. What is undeniable is that it revealed an animosity unprecedented since the renewal of Jewish sovereignty in the land.
I cannot help but wonder what the fiery demonstrators are feeling now, who in their folly and ignorance called Bibi's name almost holy, and presented Barak as essentially satanic thought, and it was Netanyahu who left them behind, wounded in their souls and imprisoned on the battlefield
The demonstrations by Netanyahu's supporters near Barak's home were embarrassing. Their tongues are rusty and drenched in threats.
When I return to watch them again, I cannot help but wonder what the fiery demonstrators, who in their folly and ignorance called Bibi's name almost holy, and presented Barak as essentially satanic thought, and it was Netanyahu who left them behind, wounded in their souls and imprisoned on the battlefield, and from whom the appeal was made to the former Supreme Court president to serve in The Hague as the state representative in the most difficult campaign of all. What do they think of themselves? And what about their leader? And how do they look straight at their offspring who wonder in stormy silence how their parents fell victim to someone who made shameful one-time use of them, and when he turned to lightning threw them into sighs? And they will lead the disgrace - as Nathan Alterman asked.
In essence, Bibi turned his back on them, stuck a knife in their public backs. Especially to Levin and Ohana and Shlomo Karai and Tali Gottlieb, to all those who described the High Court headed by Barak as a monster for him, and here he was the darling of the emperor.
Bibi betrayed his friends. As usual - only this time for a worthy destination. This praise should not be taken away from him.
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