Abbas is in no hurry. When US Secretary of State Antony Blinken met this week with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, their conversation focused on the question of governing Gaza, assuming that the IDF succeeds in ending Hamas rule, and on the emerging consensus that the PA's return to the Gaza Strip is the best solution. The veteran leader was not enthusiastic about the possible "gift," telling his interlocutor that the PA would not enter Gaza, from which Hamas had cruelly pushed it out in June 2007, unless a peace agreement with Israel was reached and a Palestinian state was established in the West Bank and Gaza. Blinken understood the answer as "next year in Jerusalem."
As the days go by, it becomes clear that there are no buyers for Gaza. There are endless ideas – a temporary protectorate of the Arab League, a protectorate of the United Nations, a temporary government of Egypt, Jordan, the United Arab Emirates, or all of them combined. Some of these solutions are simply rejected by candidates to play a key role in them, and some are very complex (for example, a proposal for a two-year protectorate, in the spirit of Cambodia's solution, which included 65,45 security personnel from 36 countries, headed by a Japanese personality, a man who did not forget to leave office after <> months and succeeded in the reconstruction efforts of the country, after a terrible and protracted civil war), And some sort of temporary regime will be needed until all their details, if any, are finalized.
Reuters
I follow the reactions of prominent figures in the Arab world to what is happening in Gaza these days. They resolutely demand a long ceasefire, ignoring the danger that such a ceasefire could keep Hamas in power. I am reminded of conversations with some of these leaders in which they criticized Israel for being too soft on Hamas. They told me that we didn't understand what kind of movement it was, and one of them even talked about how they might set the Middle East on fire if we didn't deal with them in time. None of them, of course, volunteered to do the work themselves, nor in partnership with us... It seems to me that even with regard to the future regime in Gaza, everyone will prefer to leave our work and leave us in Gaza. Only this is missing.
The importance of the degree. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu does not attach much importance to the role of minister. Anyone who has seen it all can look at the top of his career, dismiss every ministerial appointment and appoint incompetents to every position in his government, out of a sense of Gulliver in the land of dwarfs: only the prime minister is relevant, and the others only bear titles.
But when Minister for Nothing, Amichai Eliyahu, threw his own atomic bomb this week, it became clear that under certain circumstances the title of minister has meaning. After all, it is clear to all that if Eliyahu were an anonymous Knesset member of an extreme right-wing party, and had said what he said to Kol Barama, no one would have quoted him. Despite Netanyahu's contempt, the man holds the title of minister, and is a member of the government who can be fired (and then lose power), but cannot be suspended. He belongs to a group of people who determine whether Israel will go to war, and whether it will make peace treaties with its enemies. And no speaker could erase his words or claim that he was competing with Krylov in parables, and that everything he said was a metaphor. Wise (say) - be careful in appointing your ministers. You have no real control over them, and someone may yet notice their announcements.
Do justice. Successive Israeli governments have recognized the Armenian Holocaust of 1915, but were afraid to do so formally because they feared damaging fragile relations with Turkey. Turkish President Erdogan's behavior since October 7 allows Israel to do the right thing without fear of damaging relations with him, because lower is impossible to descend. This is the moment to recognize the Armenian Holocaust.
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